Paradoxes

It’s hard to believe now, but in the midst of grinding poverty in Niger is a paradox – a couple actually. Niger is actually a mineral-rich country, especially uranium. These French interests in Niger were at the heart of the military intervention in Mali – not to mention finally getting their feet back into Mali militarily over half a century after Mali’s first President, the late Modibo Keïta, kicked the last French soldiers out of the country.

Keïta would not allow military agreement with Mali’s former colonial power – others had. The most Keïta permitted was an agreement on ties to develop the economy and culture. Military bases and defence pacts were, well, out of the question. After the fall of Modibo Keïta’s government – he was overthrown by a coup d’état led by Moussa Traoré in 1968 and died in mysterious circumstances while being ‘prepared for release – France tried again to get the coveted military foothold, and with it a political one.

The Dictator and Successors

Despite Keïta’s overthrow by the Malian military, further attempts were rebuffed by Traoré first – Traoré holds the dubious distinction of a spectacular fall from power himself. The former ‘President’ was sentenced to death on two separate occasions, but eventually was pardoned by his successor, Alpha Oumar Konaré, who also came to power after coup which followed a rebellion against the autocratic and unsuccessful rule of Traoré.

Konaré would not permit the bases either. Colonel Amadou Toumany Touré led the coup that toppled Traoré, and succeeded Konaré, supporting the pardons of the Traorés to facilitate national reconciliation. Konaré had already rehabilitated Keïta in 1992.

General Traoré was many things – twice sentenced to death and now retired – but not even he would acquiesce with French demands to reinstate colonialism by the back door. Neither Touré nor Konaré would either – Touré led the transition to democracy, handing over power to Konaré, who won the election, in 1992. Konaré promoted Touré to General and a decade later handed over power to Touré, by then a civilian.

The Tide Turns

The best France could achieve under the first four Malian Presidents was obtaining permission to train Malian troops and give technical advice through an accord with Traoré in 1985 – bases and more were off the agenda, and remained so until the chance presented itself more than a quarter of a century later.

In Niger the first President Diori Hamani maintained good relations with France – the decolonisation process ensured he would succeed colonialism as the French allowed his party a monopoly in the run up to independence. Hamani maintained good relations with France, but that changed when he criticised France over investment in 1972. Just a year earlier Niger’s first commercial uranium mine began operating.

His government, increasingly autocratic and corrupt, was overthrown in a military coup two years later by Lieutenant-Général Seyni Kountché as popular unrest swept through Niger. The exploitation of mineral resources continued – Nigeriens did not enjoy the benefits of their natural resources. They still don’t.

France has military bases there, but what benefit do Nigeriens get in return? As in Mali, the jihadist insurgencies gave the excuse. France wanted to protect its uranium interests and get a military foot-hold in both countries. That happened, but the hypocrisy was breath-taking.

Independence Struggle

Milton Obote died in 2005 aged 80. Even in death he polarised opinion. To colleagues he was a great man. To others he was a ruthless and unrepentant tyrant, responsible for many deaths and brutal repression. His legacy is a complicated one. Obote played a huge role in Ugandaʼs post-colonial development and history.

He was an important figure in Ugandaʼs independence struggle, but so was his erstwhile ally the Kabaka (King) of Buganda, which was one of the Kingdoms that made up pre-colonial Uganda. Religious, regional and other divisions were left simmering beneath the surface when Uganda was colonised. They emerged again during the independence struggle and in post-independence Uganda.

Mutesa II, sometimes referred to as King Freddie (Major-General Sir Edward Frederick William David Walugembe Mutebi Luwangula Mutesa II) played an important role in Ugandan independence. He became the Kabaka in 1939 aged just 15. He was transformed into a pivotal figure of the independence movement by the response of the British Governor Sir Andrew Cohen to Mutesaʼs demand to separate Buganda from the rest of the protectorate of Uganda.

King Freddie opposed the British plan to unite its East African colonies into one country. The plan was abandoned. Mutesa II was unpopular until his demand resulted in his deportation. That made him a martyr and the failure to replace with a compliant leader resulted in his eventual return more powerful than he had been before he was ousted.

Independence – Divisions

Prior to colonisation, the country now known as Uganda was divided on political, tribal and religious grounds. These resurfaced after independence was obtained in 1962. Under British rule Catholics fared worse than the Protestant élite. There were economic, political and regional divisions as well – a far from unusual situation in the decolonisation process in Africa.

Post independence had three political parties. Obote emerged as the dominant force of a divided Uganda Peopleʼs Congress, while Kabaka Yekka (King Only) was Mutesaʼs vehicle and the Democratic Party represented Catholic interests. Despite winning the election, the Democratic Party was squeezed out of power by Mutesa and Obote allying to exclude them. Mutesa became the first President of Uganda with Obote the Prime Minister. The alliance within his own party was difficult, but Obote held the party together.

The Slippery Slope

A humiliating situation followed in 1964 when junior soldiers mutinied for better pay and conditions and took a Minister hostage, forcing Obote to seek the help of the British to restore order. He acquiesced with all the mutineersʼ demands too, including faster promotions. Another low point was his choice of protégé in the military – a young junior officer who was fast-tracked – Idi Amin.

Political patronage followed and the army became a significant power-broker – a lesson that Obote would learn the hard way as his protégé turned on him and unleashed Ugandaʼs killing fields. But that was still a few years away after the mutiny. Later that year Oboteʼs patronage of opponents paid off too as enough joined him to enable him to dispense with Mutesa II.

The price was a plebiscite on whether land annexed by the British to the Kingdom of Buganda should be returned to the Kingdom of Bunyoro, which was itself annexed to Uganda three years later. Civil war was avoided and Mutesaʼs attempts at intimidating the vote defeated. His party was no longer needed and recriminations followed, leading to defections from Kabaka Yekka; the Democratic Party weakened by defections was also no longer an effective opposition. It would not be long before Obote made his move.