Paradoxes

It’s hard to believe now, but in the midst of grinding poverty in Niger is a paradox – a couple actually. Niger is actually a mineral-rich country, especially uranium. These French interests in Niger were at the heart of the military intervention in Mali – not to mention finally getting their feet back into Mali militarily over half a century after Mali’s first President, the late Modibo Keïta, kicked the last French soldiers out of the country.

Keïta would not allow military agreement with Mali’s former colonial power – others had. The most Keïta permitted was an agreement on ties to develop the economy and culture. Military bases and defence pacts were, well, out of the question. After the fall of Modibo Keïta’s government – he was overthrown by a coup d’état led by Moussa Traoré in 1968 and died in mysterious circumstances while being ‘prepared for release – France tried again to get the coveted military foothold, and with it a political one.

The Dictator and Successors

Despite Keïta’s overthrow by the Malian military, further attempts were rebuffed by Traoré first – Traoré holds the dubious distinction of a spectacular fall from power himself. The former ‘President’ was sentenced to death on two separate occasions, but eventually was pardoned by his successor, Alpha Oumar Konaré, who also came to power after coup which followed a rebellion against the autocratic and unsuccessful rule of Traoré.

Konaré would not permit the bases either. Colonel Amadou Toumany Touré led the coup that toppled Traoré, and succeeded Konaré, supporting the pardons of the Traorés to facilitate national reconciliation. Konaré had already rehabilitated Keïta in 1992.

General Traoré was many things – twice sentenced to death and now retired – but not even he would acquiesce with French demands to reinstate colonialism by the back door. Neither Touré nor Konaré would either – Touré led the transition to democracy, handing over power to Konaré, who won the election, in 1992. Konaré promoted Touré to General and a decade later handed over power to Touré, by then a civilian.

The Tide Turns

The best France could achieve under the first four Malian Presidents was obtaining permission to train Malian troops and give technical advice through an accord with Traoré in 1985 – bases and more were off the agenda, and remained so until the chance presented itself more than a quarter of a century later.

In Niger the first President Diori Hamani maintained good relations with France – the decolonisation process ensured he would succeed colonialism as the French allowed his party a monopoly in the run up to independence. Hamani maintained good relations with France, but that changed when he criticised France over investment in 1972. Just a year earlier Niger’s first commercial uranium mine began operating.

His government, increasingly autocratic and corrupt, was overthrown in a military coup two years later by Lieutenant-Général Seyni Kountché as popular unrest swept through Niger. The exploitation of mineral resources continued – Nigeriens did not enjoy the benefits of their natural resources. They still don’t.

France has military bases there, but what benefit do Nigeriens get in return? As in Mali, the jihadist insurgencies gave the excuse. France wanted to protect its uranium interests and get a military foot-hold in both countries. That happened, but the hypocrisy was breath-taking.

Scandal

25 years ago today a precursor of the ‘Me Too’ movement claimed a very important victory in an unlikely place. Morocco, at the time, was seen as a place where police officers, especially male ones, were entitled to do as they pleased. Nothing emphasised this culture more than the Tabetgate Scandal. Over a period of many years a top police officer, who ended his ‘service’ in Casablanca, had committed several crimes against over 500 women. The offences included rape, deflowering virgins and kidnap, among many others.
Tabert had been aided and abetted in his crimes by other officers including his superior Ahmed Ouachi, who covered up for Tabet and destroyed evidence. Police Commissioners, Abdessalam Bekkali and Mustapha ben Maghnia were also complicit in Tabet’s crimes.

Tabet could and should have been stopped many years earlier. Rather than submit to his unwanted advances a young woman in the historic city of Beni Mehall – near Jbel Tassemit in the High Atlas Mountains – threw herself out of the window. Scandalised, the area’s member in the House of Representatives fired off letters demanding action against Tabet to the Governor of the province, Ministry of the Interior, the Director of National Security, and the relevant prosecutor in 1980.

The action that followed illustrated the entitlement culture at its worst – Tabet was transferred to Rabat. The best opportunity to stop the serial rapist early had been lost. Hay Mohammadi-Ain Sebâa, the Chief of Security of that prefecture, enters the story there.

The Culture of Entitlement

This culture of police entitlement continued unabated for over a decade. Tabet, encouraged by the lack of consequences, became reckless, especially when in Casablanca, retaining incriminating evidence. This was to be his undoing. In 1989 he was appointed Casablanca’s Chief Police Commissioner. Colleagues and even civilians and, worse still, a gynaecologist were involved in national scandal that was exposed in a sensational trial of the high-ranking, self-confessed sex addict police officer whose litany of crimes were covered up by colleagues. It continued so long partly due to the law of the time requiring eyewitnesses to corroborate a woman’s word.

Casablanca’s Chief Police Commissioner El Hajj Mohamed Mustapha Tabet, 54, took advantage of that to rape and sexually assault several women. He felt so secure that he videoed his crimes and kept detailed notes. Over the years he was assisted by several police colleagues: Ouachi, Bekkali, ben Maghnia and Sebâa were the most senior officers involved. However, others ranking Inspector or below were implicated too. Azii Sebbar, Abderahim Bouddi, Abdellatif Abbad, Lahcen Jaâfari, Zouheor Fikri, Aït Si Mustapha, Slimane Jouhari and Sellam Fedali were joined in the dock by Dr Driss Lahlou and civilians Abdelkader Dou Ennaim, Abdllatif Boussari, Monhamed Rabii and Abdelahad Mrini.

Lahlou’s crimes were shocking. The doctor performed unwanted abortions on the victims and repaired hymens to conceal the rapes.

Downfall

Tabet’s crimes ended after two of his victims brought a civil action against him. It resulted in a 25 day criminal trial beginning on February 18th. After 25 days Tabet was convicted of multiple counts of rape, deflowering virgins, sexual assault, abduction and other sexually-motivated crimes. At his trial 118 videos of his attacks on 518 women, some of which were committed with friends, were shown. Tabet’s detailed confession, computerised records of his victims’ identities and proof of identity of many victims that were found in the flat in Casablanca that Tabet used for his attacks also provided strong evidence against him.

He demanded sex in return for issuing documents including passports, and offered a defence that stretched credibility to absurd lengths. He claimed that he had had sex with about 1600 women over three years – more than one per day throughout his job in Casablanca, but according to him all were consensual. His denials of using violence on the women was proved false by some of the videos.

Crime and Punishment

On the Ides of March 1993 the sentences were handed down. Tabet received the death sentence. Ouachi was jailed for life for destroying evidence of Tabet’s crimes. Ten other officers were jailed for up to 20 years. Bekkali received 20 years and Ben Maghnia, ten. Lahlou was sentenced to 15 years imprisonment but with one exception the sentences were not served in full.

Bekkali died in prison in 1994 and was pardoned posthumously in 1997. Lahlou was released after serving just two years of his 15 year sentence. Ouachi, Sebâa, Boussari, Abdelkader and Rabii – the only ones remaining in prison by the turn of the century, were pardoned by the King on March 16th 2000, having served 7 years of their sentence, some still protesting their innocence.

Over a decade later the pardons process was brought into disrepute when a convicted Spanish paedophile Daniel Galván was released just two years after being convicted of raping 11 children. The pardon led to a peaceful protest that was attacked and a review of the pardons system – Galván was a particularly unworthy recipient.

Tabet was executed in Kenitra Central Prison – near Rabat – by firing squad on August 9th 1993 after his final appeal was dismissed. It was the last execution in Morocco to date and eleven years after it was last used when two people were executed over the Moutachawiq case.

Romanticised Nonsense

History is full of misconceptions and airbrushing of crimes to present a nostalgic view justifying the rule and crimes of one side or other. More often than not the truth lies in between – neither pure as the driven snow, nor wicked enough to put Sodom and Gomorrah to shame. The Moors – more accurately Berbers – are no different, but misconceptions about them are rife. Their contribution to Europe was immense.

Talk of brutality and slavery being brought to Europe by Arabs – the Umayyads conquered the Mahgreb, but did so without the usual brutality of war – and imposed by Moors is arrant nonsense. Did they keep slaves? They certainly did, but slavery in Europe pre-dated Tariq ibn Ziyad’s arrival in Spain by centuries, and it is conveniently forgotten that the slavery brought by the Umayyads was little different to that practiced by the Romans and Greeks – it was more servitude than what we would consider slavery. Chattel slavery was vastly different, and that certainly was not brought to Europe by Moors.

Progress

In ancient times captives of war were enslaved. Spain is no different. Slavery there pre-dated the arrival of the Romans, Carthaginians and Phoenicians, and it lasted long after the Visigoths under Alaric finally defeated the Roman Empire. The Visigoths rule over Hispania was finally ended by the Islamic conquest of Spain.

The Visigoths were once considered Barbarians – originally a Greek term for foreigners made derogatory by the Romans. It came to mean uncivilised and was used to justify the imposition of Roman rule and hegemony over these tribes. The Visigoths were far from uncivilised as their artistic jewellery amply proves, but they could be extremely brutal even to each other.

Internal Rivalries

The ‘last’ King of the Visigoths, Rodéric was a nobleman by birth, but had no right of succession. He was considered by many a usurper. The previous and last ‘legitimate’ King of the Visigoths was Wittiza. After a promising ‘honeymoon’ Wittiza turned despot, torturing, imprisoning or executing rivals. Among those dispossessed was Theodofred, father of Rodéric. He was blinded and imprisoned by Wittiza. Rodéric fled into exile.

As Wiitiza’s despotism grew, so did opposition, leading to a coup by nobles, who appointed Rodéric the new ruler. Rodéric lost no time settling scores for his father. Wittiza was blinded and imprisoned – the same fate he imposed on Theodofred, Wittiza spent his remaining days – not many – wracked by remorse, but it was too little, too late. And then there was Achila II, Wittiza’s son. Unlike Rodéric, he had a legitimate claim by right to the Visigoths’ throne – their rivalry weakened the Visigoth cause.

Rodéric ruled primarily in the south and considered the Muslims his greatest threat, while Achilo’s domain was in the north of Spain and south of modern day France. After Rodéric’s defeat and death at Guadalete, Achila had to confront the Umayyads and was defeated within three years. He was succeeded by Ardabastus (Ardo) the last Visigoth King. His reign lasted approximately seven years – his defeat and death consigned the Visigoths to history, but the seeds of Visigoth destruction were planted almost a decade earlier.

Rodéric also alienated a Visigoth nobleman, Julian, the Count of Ceuta. It was claimed – history is uncertain on whether Julian even had a daughter, let alone what was alleged to have happened – that Julian was said to have sent his daughter to Rodéric to be educated, but instead the King raped her. Enraged, Julian took his revenge – a revenge many consider treason. Julian encouraged Tariq ibn Ziyad’s invasion – he even facilitated and aided it. Without the Count of Ceuta’s involvement the invasion would at the very least have been far more difficult to execute.

Acquiescence and Tolerance

The conquest of the Mahgreb and Berbers by the Umayyads bordered on acquiescence as merit was rewarded and the beliefs of the ‘conquered’ was tolerated.

Former slave turned Emir of Tangier, Tarik ibn Ziyad, was the first to cross over Gibraltar from Morocco to Spain. It paved the way for the Berber’s Islamisation of Spain – the one that hardly gets acknowledged in Europe, but is the subject of remarkable ignorance. Ironically, the origins of the Islam of the Emirate of Cordoba and also the Berbers had the same source – the Umayyad Caliphate and Empire.
Islam came to North Africa from Yemen and Saudi Arabia too, but this time it came through conquest – the roots, however were permanent and affected the course of both Morocco and Spain. It should be remembered that despite this expansion coming through the Umayyad Caliphate, they were not originally Muslims.

The Umayyad dynasty began in 661 AD, lasting until 750. The Umayyads eventually converted to Islam, although they remained tolerant of other faiths. Their treatment of Jews is particularly striking, as Jews had been persecuted by Christians especially. Jews were accepted and protected by the Umayyads and were part of the Umayyad invasion of Europe.

The Power and the Glory

By 718 the Berber and Umayyad presence in Spain was established, although fighting continued. The last Visigoth King of Hispania, Rodéric, had usurped the throne and underestimated his Visigoth enemies to concentrate on countering the Muslim threat, but many Visigoths and others joined the Berber cause.

Tariq ibn Ziyad led the first Islamic forces over the Straits of Gibraltar and the Rock itself and into Spain with just 7000 followers, yet he inflicted the decisive defeat of the Visigoths at the Battle of Guadalete. Although fighting continued it established the Umayyad presence in Spain and all but ended Visigoth rule in Spain.

Keen to get his share of the glory ibn Ziyad’s former master, Musa ibn Nusayr, joined the invasion, taking Seville. The pair consolidated Umayyad power and continued the expansion into southern France too, but the treasures seized in the campaign exacted a high price. They argued over the spoils. It would cost ibn Nusayr dear.

The Harder He Fell

Ibn Ziyad later brought about the downfall of his ‘benefactor’ and it came through the conquest of the Visigoths. They rowed fiercely over the spoils. And that provided an opportunity for another – the brother of the Caliph Al-Walid I, and later Caliph Sulayman ibn Abd al-Malik.

Both ibn Ziyad and ibn Nusayr were summoned back by the Caliph. Ibn Nusayr ignored it temporarily, reasoning that the Visigoths were weakened and had to be defeated totally before they could regroup. He was right, but it had an effect.

Ibn Nusayr soon fell out of favour, due in part to ibn Ziyad, as they disputed who had secured some treasures. Ibn Nusayr was in fact a pivotal figure in Moroccan and Spanish history. He extended Islamic rule to the Bay of Biscay – ibn Ziyad pushed further. He had been summoned back by the Caliph, Al-Walid I, along with ibn Ziyad, but had ignored the summons in order to complete the defeat of the Visigoths. When he obeyed the summons the Caliph was ill. Al-Walid I’s brother and successor had wanted ibn Nusayr to delay his entry into Damascus, but the Emir ignored him. The subsequent death of Al-Walid I proved disastrous.

The new Caliph, Sulayman ibn Abd al-Malik bore a huge grudge. Ibn Nusayr had thwarted his plans over treasures – he later seized what he wanted – and prevented the ambitious al-Malik from stealing the glory of his conquests. Al-Malik’s revenge was swift.

Tolerant

Ibn Nusayr’s son Abd al-Aziz ibn Musa, had played an important role in the conquest of Spain. However, he had married the defeated King Rodéric’s wife Egilona and her influence contributed to problems. She demanded that his subjects show deference to him. He was attacked in a conspiracy to kill him and was in fact assassinated despite seeking sanctuary in a mosque. His head delivered to the Caliph in front of ibn Nusayr.

Ibn Musa had been considered too lenient in his terms of surrender imposed on defeated Christians. He allowed defeated Visigoths to keep their faith and much more, demanding little more than the tax – and soon became suspected of being a Christian. He was assassinated soon after ibn Nusayr’s fall from grace. After ibn Nusayr’s fall, another son Abd Allah ibn Musa was executed on the orders of Sulayman.

Ibn Musa died in poverty a consequence of his disgrace, but history has been kinder to him. Al-Andalus and also the conquest of the Berbers owed much to him and clearly affected the course of history.

The Umayyads

It was one of the world’s major empires, albeit a short-lived one, but its influence, culturally, historically, politically, etc. was immense and not just in Spain, but Morocco too. But few remember its name – the Umayyad. It was one of four Caliphates that sprung up shortly after the death of the founder of Islam, Muhammad.

It became established as a major power and empire in 661 AD and was based mainly in Damascus. Muawaiya ibn Abi Sufyan was the first Caliph to extend its influence. At its height it was one of the greatest ever empires in terms of land ruled and subjects as a percentage of the world’s population. Less than a century later it passed into history – its brand of Islam deemed too secular for some.

Nevertheless, it brought more than conquest. It brought Islam to North Africa, the Mahgreb, and also to Europe, Spain, but the Umayyads were tolerant of other faiths, as long as the tax was paid, especially Jews and this played a major part in what followed. Their tolerance of other faiths and peoples was both its greatest strength and ultimately its greatest weakness too.

The Umayyad Empire became one of the largest and most successful empires in history, especially of that time. A large part of that was due to the expansionist policies of the Caliph Al-Walid ibn Abd al-Malik (Al-Walid I – 705-715), and the assimilation of the conquered into the empire.

The Conquests

Before Spain could be conquered Musa ibn Nusayr had been given a task. He had to expand the Empire by conquering swathes of North Africa, He did so. By 698 he had become the first Emir of Ifriqiya, not beholden to Egypt. He also governed the Balearic Islands and Sardinia. It was near the height of his powers, but ibn Nusayr was headed for a mighty fall.

Berbers were conquered but accepted on merit. Even slaves could advance if they had requisite skills. One did in abundance, and he helped change the course of history, ultimately at great cost to his former master, ibn Nusayr. The pair, Tarik ibn Ziyad and ibn Nusayr were responsible for the conquest of Spain and establishment of Al-Andalus, although the Visigoth, Julian, Count of Ceuta, played an important role too.

The rivalry among Visigoth rulers helped the Islamic conquest. The last King of the Visigoths in Spain, Rodéric, lost no time avenging the family slight on his father, Theodofred, and enforced exile by the King Wittiza, whom Rodéric, had blinded and imprisoned – the same fate his father had suffered at Wittiza’s hands. Wittiza did not last long after his capture, but Rodéric’s coup came at a price – the Visigoths were divided and ripe to lose their influence.

Rodéric then made an important enemy of Julian, Count of Ceuta, by raping his daughter, although it is far from certain that this happened. Nevertheless, Julian’s ensuing actions were extreme if he had no cause – he betrayed the Visigoth cause totally, facilitating and actively aiding the Moors.

Julian’s revenge was to aid the Berber and Umayyad commander, ibn Ziyad – the man who began Islamic expansion into Spain. He assisted ibn Ziyad to invade through Gibraltar. Ibn Nusayr later joined his former slave in the conquest, playing an important role too. The Berber origins of ibn Ziyad suggest that he was indeed subordinate to ibn Nusayr, at least at first. However, he was a gifted military commander.

The Mountain

Even without this, you probably know a bit of his legacy even if you don’t know of him. In Morocco, Gibraltar is named after him, and almost certainly is where the rock got its name from. In Arabic it’s called Gebral Tariq (Tariq’s Mountain). The similarity between Gebral Tariq and Gibraltar is too great to be coincidence.

This was the point where Berbers crossed from Africa into Spain, extending the Umayyad Empire, thanks to Julian’s assistance. So who was Tariq ibn Ziyad? He was originally a slave of the Emir of Ifriqiya – a region of North Africa – Musa ibn Nusayr, who gave ibn Ziyad his freedom and appointed him a military commander. He was further rewarded with the Governorship of Tangier.

Tariq ibn Ziyad crossed over the Straits of Gibraltar, and onto the Rock with 7000 followers. He was provided with further assistance by Julian. Despite facing a far larger army under the ‘usurper’ King Rodéric, ibn Ziyad inflicted the major defeat of Visigoth Spain within three weeks of his arrival in Spain at the Battle of Guadalete.

Hearing of ibn Ziyad’s success and not wanting a Berber to get the glory of subjugating Spain, ibn Nusayr also crossed into Spain, taking Seville before advancing to meet ibn Ziyad at Toledo. The conquests led to the seizure of a huge haul of treasures and this contributed to the falling out between the Emir and his former slave.

The Origins of Evil

Before the legalisation of the slave trade ‘pirates’ indulged in it. At first they bartered, but soon the European ‘traders’ wanted more in return for their weapons – human slaves. African tribes had a stark choice enslave or be enslaved. Without the ‘sophisticated’ weapons tribal leaders knew other tribes would do the deal that meant slavery for them.

The institution had changed. Slavery to Europeans was far more brutal. Their slaves were not ‘servants’ they were human commodities to be used and abused as their ‘masters’ saw fit. So while Africans were ‘complicit’ what choice did they have?

Visiting the castles (Cape Coast and Elmina) is sobering. Being in the cells even for minutes or seconds is uncomfortable. Imagine being there for days, weeks or months, in rank disease-infested conditions – no exercise or sunlight, and then add the sadistic cruelty to it. It’s horrendous just thinking about it. But Ghanaians can visit these historic sites free. They tend not to. Many wait outside looking to exploit visitors rather than learn their own history.

And that extends to the River Assin Fosu?

Cleansed

Never heard of it? It is the place the captured slaves, marched from the north of the country or even nearby countries have their last bath before entering the slave fortresses of Elmina or Cape Coast Castles, or the forts that pock-mark Ghana’a Atlantic coastline. The precise number of victims of this inhuman trade will never be known.

I took friends to Assin Fosu. Rather than pay a paltry amount for admission – I paid the taxi fare all the way there and to Accra – they preferred to wait outside and save themselves a few Cedis on top of the fares I had already saved them. Sadly this attitude is typical. Another wanted to be paid for his time to learn his own history. It typifies the problems.

Testament of Cruelty

The hypocrisy is nauseating. Westerners object to reparations. How odd they say nothing of an uncomfortable fact. Compensation has been paid for slavery on both sides of the Atlantic Ocean, but never to the slaves or their descendants. Compensation or reparations for slavery has only been paid to former slave-owners. They and their descendants, including former British Prime Minister David Cameron benefited from it yet have the chutzpah to oppose reparations for the descendants of victims of one of the worst crimes against humanity ever.

The pirates were soon out of the equation as the slave trade became official. Colonialists and their minions took over and that led to the castles becoming holding point gaols. But after the trade was outlawed the pirates returned. Occasionally British ships enforced the abolition of the trade. Excavations showed what had happened in these castles, a lasting testament to man’s cruelty to man.

The African Malaise

Africans don’t know their history – worse they don’t want to. During the WAFU Cup of Nations I was in an area steeped in history. I visited places that should be seen and believed, and then talked about. Elmina Castle overlooked the place I was staying in. As usual I was subjected to the aggressive and annoying sales pitch outside.

One wanted me to sponsor his football team, and said, ‘But I gave you the shell”, when I refused. I was annoyed, as a few metres away I met a man who had played professionally at the expense of his health, and in the nearby hotel was coaching staff of Ghana Premier League team, the Elmina Sharks. He had never even talked to them, let alone tried to work with them. Instead he hassled foreigners to support him. He wasn’t alone. Even professional players not only wanted help, they expect you to pay to do it. He at least showed some interest in his history.

I am not black in African terms – no problem – but they have a colour definition that defies logic and decency. Anyone not as black as them is seen as white, and therefore fair game for their aggressive, annoying, and actually offensive sales pitch for unwanted products. One artist in Cape Cost tried to sell his wares at the Castle. He demanded his ‘friendship’ shell back because I saw no reason to support him. No problem I didn’t want the shell, or his false friendship.
He even demanded that I spend dollars needed for other things on his unwanted art. I actually wanted specific art that I did buy from others later – that will be auctioned at forthcoming book launches for the Fitted-In Project. The sales pitch cost him, but is typical of attitudes there. Strangely, given the location, there was nothing reflecting the tragic history of that place.

In the shadow of this arrogance and ignorance is unspeakable horrors. Africans were brutalised as they were softened up for the horrors of transportation. Many died in the rank and disease-infested cells. Women who refused to give sexual favours to perverted and sadistic guards and Governors were brutally punished until they ‘consented’. Several of those who survived and passed through the Door of No Return died on the voyage to the Americas or Europe. Their bodies were cast into the ocean or seas to be devoured.

Unspeakable

This unspeakable Holocaust – bestial genocide – began in Ghana. Slavery in Africa pre-dates the trans-Atlantic trade, but it was a different institution, more like servitude than what we understand slavery to be. Captured warriors were enslaved. They had less rights – they were low in the pecking order, but had not fallen as far as chattel slavery would push them. It was no picnic, but these ‘slaves’ had ‘rights’, limited certainly, but a long way from what slavery would become.

Were Africans complicit in the slave trade? Yes they were, but it is more complex than that. African slavery changed when Europeans came. It is taught here that Trans-Atlantic slavery came from a very unlikely source, Bartolomé de las Casas – remember that name, it’s very important.

De las Casas became one of the most important voices against the brutality of slavery. He was not always so humane. In Ghana it is taught that de las Casas recommended enslaving Africans because Native Americans were susceptible to illnesses brought by Europeans and unsuited for the bestial rigours of the demands of European thugs,a andthis was the beginning of Elmina Castle for that purpose from 1492, but the dates don’t tally. At that time de las Casas was not even ten years old! It does tally with Colombus and his crimes though. It wasn’t just Francisco Pizarro González and his ilk, it was the so-called discoverer of the Americas, Christopher Colombus. De las Casas once owned Native American slaves, but he later turned against it and exposed the crimes against those people. That was in the 1520s, and these were Spanish crimes, not Portuguese.

De las Casas began his evolution as a willing participant in what he later considered terrible crimes. In 1502 he arrived in what is now Haiti and the Dominican Republic. The Spanish adopted slavery by conquest, but it was a more brutal model. Many were worked to death. De las Casas turned against it but gradually and in contradictory fashion.

Inadvertently, he provided the argument that developed into the racist system of slavery. Africans were sturdier and better suited to hard work than Native Americans. They were therefore better suited to be hard-working slaves. The idea was adopted and demand grew. The utterly bestial trade thrived, but Ghanaians say that the Spanish did more buying than transporting.

De las Casas’ views evolved. He came to oppose all slavery, but his racist ideas were adopted by others and used to justify the racist trade long after he rejected it.

Never Get Weary

One of the first records I ever bought, ‘Knockout’ by Toots and the Maytals includes what became one of my favourite songs ‘Never Get Weary’. The record was a bargain – I still have it over 30 years later. The lyrics, poignant for this article can be read here

https://play.google.com/music/preview/Tsia3dmsywwe2p6k5iwgo5zqq3mlyrics=1&utm_source=google&utm_medium=search&utm_campaign=lyrics&pcampaignid=kp-lyrics

or better still heard at https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=R62Sk6sBBRA but his message is far from all that has been neglected in talking about slavery.

The Americas were not discovered by Colombus, but in Ghana his crimes, utterly bestial ones, are not part of the narrative as they should be. De las Casas renounced his previous views and spent the rest of his life trying to enlighten and end the bestial treatment of the Native Americans. Meanwhile, Colombus enriched himself and facilitated unprecedented brutality and greed.

In Ghana, even the guides at Elmina Castle and Cape Coast Castle were unaware that de las Casas became an implacable opponent of slavery and is one of the most important sources on the brutality of Colombus. So why is de las Casas so important? The timing.

The Europeans coveted Africa long before the Great Scramble of the late 19th Century. Back in the 15th Century the Portuguese developed Elmina Castle for its nefarious purpose. This was the beginning of the Trans-Atlantic Slave Trade – well the ‘legal’ one.

It’s not all they are unaware of. At Elmina Castle, Cape Coast Castle and Assin Fosu they knew little of a pivotal event in the abolition of the slave trade, and one of the movement’s greatest but neglected figures, the Haitian Revolution and the country’s first great President, Alexandre Pétion.

Richard Horwell QC has completed his report and it has been considered by the Home Secretary, who scraped back into Parliament by the skin of her teeth. Amber Rudd has welcomed it – no surprise there. Horwell thinks the failures were due to human error. That contributed to it, but it was at best a lacklustre prosecution. It refused to utilise important evidence that unequivocally proved the Cardiff were innocent, and did so before they stood trial in 1989 and again in 1990. High quality evidence proving this was conspicuous by its absence in the prosecution case in 2011 and even in rebuttal of the outrageous defence. Adding insult to injury the sham processes culminating in the Horwell Report have not even acknowledged that this evidence existed, let alone deal with its exclusion. Rudd welcomes the sham and hopes that this is the end of the story. It is not. Justice must not only be done, it must be seen to be done. In this case, despite the clearest vindication possible, justice has been seen to be denied. It still is. Horwell had an opportunity – albeit limited – to redress a gross wrong. He has failed to do so.

It should now be clear that the approach favoured by South Wales Police and others of aiding the three sham inquiries and refusing to comment on the shameful miscarriage of justice that befell the Cardiff Five and affected the community that had a right to expect the highest standards that it did not receive, has achieved its intent. Whether that force (its highest ranks shared that intent or not) the deliberate prevention of learning the lessons of an utterly shameful miscarriage of justice has occurred because of these processes that had no ability to deliver justice, or intent – their aim was altogether more sinister. The sham processes served their purpose of taking the case off the agenda long enough for it to be forgotten about and the damage that it was perceived that it could cause, limited. The dismal failures of this approach and failed processes have not been addressed. The pathetic platitudes about innocence and miscarriage of justice are risible – contemptible in fact.

All three sham processes the HMCPSI, IPCC and now Horwell achieved their purpose of delaying and ultimately thwarting justice. They were and are the pathetic sham I knew they would be. It was obvious what they would be. The Terms of Reference of all three made that clear. They were a gross waste of public funds and the politicians responsible should be surcharged.

South Wales Police’s PSD stole my work and published it to others in flagrant breach of my copyright, and knowing that I not only did not support these sham processes, but that I viewed them with total contempt. The justification provided for that theft was a year after the fact and demonstrably wrong in law – it is astonishing that Police Complaints Commission (it has to demonstrate independence in practice for me to call it Independent) failed to notice that. The fact that South Wales Police see nothing wrong with the department complained of investigating itself and expect me to provide paperwork their officers failed to provide, despite it being made clear that was required, demonstrates bad faith. It is amazing that the so-called complaints procedure and senior ranks who discussed it accept the shoddy note-keeping etc when it suits them, but ignore the fact no note exists of the terms of my cooperation at all. How convenient for them. If that is not properly redressed I reserve the right to take whatever action is necessary regarding it. South Wales Police stole my cooperation for processes they knew I had concluded were designed to cheat justice. They even had the very officer complained about investigating himself!

All three of these shams ignored the original miscarriage of justice and its causes and effects. All three ignored the disgraceful abuse of justice that jailed three vulnerable people (the bullied witnesses I refer to as the New Cardiff Three) that the court accepted had been subjected to conduct that was ‘unacceptable in a civilised society’. The archaic demands of the law on duress was conspicuous by its absence in all three shams. All three failed to notice that the 2011 farce was set up to fail – disclosure providing a neat smokescreen to hide inexplicably crass prosecutorial decisions. An illuminating light will be shone on those decisions in my forthcoming book Trials and Tribulations – Innocence Matters?

I have already detailed some of these failings in my previous books Fitted In: The Cardiff 3 and the Lynette White Inquiry and The Cardiff Five: Innocent Beyond Any Doubt. Criticisms raised in them of the investigative and judicial processes that led to the notorious miscarriage of justice and maintained it even after vindication, are conspicuous by their absence in the three shams. The failure to use compelling scientific evidence even after a deplorable and utterly false defence was advanced in 2011 trial is disgraceful. Where was the analysis of that in the three sham processes?

The processes that South Wales Police and others supported have failed miserably. Rather than reward mediocrity and gross injustice, if any truly care about justice they will not only join me in demanding a Truth and Justice Commission into the whole case, but campaign actively until that Commission is established. Justice and integrity demand nothing less!

Not an Answer

A father determined to get justice for his daughter refused to take no for an answer. Convinced that 14 year-old Kalinka Bamberski had been drugged and raped by her step-father Dr Dietrich Krombach, which resulted in her death, her father André refused to accept the German authoritiesʼ decision that there was not enough evidence to prosecute Krombach.

The doctor was later struck off and given a two year suspended jail sentence in 1997 for drugging and raping a sixteen-year-old patient in his office – a crime he admitted and one that bore similarities to Kalinkaʼs fate 15 years earlier. In 1995 he was also convicted in absentia over Kalinkaʼs death in France, but Germany still refused to extradite Krombach claiming there was not enough evidence.

Justice

Bamberski continued to wait for justice for his daughter, but no progress came. Incensed Bamberski decided to take the law into his own hands. In 2009 Krombach, then 74 was delivered bound and gagged outside a French courthouse in Mulhouse – a city in Eastern France. He had been kidnapped from Germany and it had been organised by Bamberski.

Yesterday Bamberski was convicted for organising the kidnap, but was not jailed. Two others who executed the kidnap were jailed for a year. Krombach was convicted of causing Kalinkaʼs death – deliberate (or intentional) violence leading to involuntary death – and sentenced to 15 years imprisonment. In December 2012 Kromabachʼs appeal against his conviction was dismissed.

Yesterday Bamberski expressed disappointment over his conviction, but said that he would not appeal. He has no regrets over his actions, believing it to be a moral responsibility to obtain justice for Kalinka. He thought that he should have been acquitted on the kidnap charges because he said that he had a moral duty to do what he did.

It also raises the question of Germanyʼs failure to extradite Krombach for twelve years after his propensity to drug and rape female teenagers had been established. Franceʼs leniency over serious charges that carried up to ten years imprisonment recognises that here was a case where the law had been an ass, forcing a man who would never under normal circumstances have committed such an act to take the law into his own hands.

If Bamberski had not had Krombach kidnapped and delivered to a French court a disgrace to the medical profession would never have paid his debt for robbing a young woman of her dignity and indeed her life. Germany should review how it failed Kalinka Bamberski so badly and take steps to ensure that it never happens again.

Justice Warrior

Miscarriage of justice survivor and committed campaigner for justice Gerry Conlon has died at his home in Belfast aged 60 after a long illness. If they live to be a 100 few people make the impact that Gerry Conlon did. Conlon endured 15 long years of wrongful imprisonment along with Patrick Armstrong, Paul Hill and Carole Richardson (the Guildford Four).

October 19^th 1989 was a day that shook the foundations of British justice to its core. The smug complacency that it was the best in the world was laid bare. A procession of innocent people blinking in the daylight of freedom, fists clenched in the air followed the Guildford Four to freedom as conviction after conviction was quashed, but for many the euphoria soon faded as the outrages of life took their toll.

Committed

There was no after-care provided by the State that had so egregiously wronged so many people when Conlon emerged to face the worldʼs media. Over a decade would pass before a new government, which despite its many wrongs, at least had the decency to apologise to the Guildford Four for what they went through.

Despite his failing health Conlon remained committed to social justice, using his Facebook page to highlight causes he held dear. Conlon was a warrior for justice warrior before armchair campaigning became fashionable. He was an inspiration to many along with Paddy Hill and Michael OʼBrien and the late Yusef Abdullahi in particular.

A True Hero

Conlon campaigned for others. The Birmingham Six were the first, but not last. I met him in 1991. He listened attentively as I told him of a shameful miscarriage – naïvely. There was little or nothing I could tell him that he didnʼt know for himself – that he had not experienced. He spoke to their families and encouraged their campaign. He went to Cardiff and helped put the Cardiff Threeʼs Campaign on the map.

The rest of what happened in that case is history, but it owes Gerry Conlon a huge debt and so do I. We have lost a champion of justice and the world is a worse place without him. What would have happened if Gerry and his supporters had not been so tenacious. Would that glorious day in 1989 have happened? Would justice have prevailed for the many that followed him? Thankfully it did happen. Gerry Conlon, you will be missed.